By: Feizal Reza Pahlevi
Myanmar is a country that is still young to implement elements of democracy as a system in its country. Since 1962, Myanmar has implemented an authoritarian government system led by the Military Junta regime. For more than 50 years, all Burmese people have had to be fettered and tormented by a system that is not pro-human rights.
The year 2011 was an extraordinary moment for the people of Myanmar because the authoritarian system that tends to conceive people miserably was converted to a democratic system. In other words, the democratic system has succeeded in acquiring the authoritarian system in power. But in fact, the implementation of democracy based on civil society cannot be sufficiently implemented because there is an agreement that requires the military junta to fill 25% of the seat members of parliament and have central positions in strategic ministries.
Stanislav Andreski's literature entitled 'On the Peaceful Disposition of Military Dictatorship' claims that a unitary military institution that has no experience of real war in the midst of conditions without external threats is directly proportional to the desire to annex practical politics by implementing a military-style system that is closely related to an authoritarian system. In other words, Military institutions that are not at war with other countries have a great appetite for authoritarian rule over practical politics.
Andreski's hypothesis seemed to be manifested in the momentum of the Myanmar Coup since February 2021 ago. The Military Junta, which did not accept the defeat of Suu Kyi's parties after announcing the election results, used the affection of 'dishonesty' to get rid of Suu Kyi's stronghold as a legitimate government with all its resources. Of course, this move sparked outrage for the people of Myanmar who are comfortable living under the comfort of democratic dynamics.
Unfortunately, the Neo-Military Junta Regime did not welcome the peaceful protests carried out by the citizens. Instead, they responded by 'throwing bullets' and arrest the demonstrators who asserted their aspiration to decline the situation and demand the status quo. One of the phenoms that interested international attention was related to the atrocities of the Neo-Military Junta regime when a photo of a young woman who was shot in the head was broadcasted wearing a t-shirt that perceived 'Everything Will Be Ok.' As of July 2021, the conflict between the apparatus and civilians in the midst of the coup situation has claimed more than 800 lives.
'Sudah Jatuh, Tertimpa Tangga Pula' is the most appropriate proverb to describe the situation experienced by all Myanmar citizens today. Preceding the coup incident, the domestic problems of the 'land of gold' were already quite complicated, such as the threat of a third wave of Covid-19, to the issue of the Rohingya, which the International Community criticized. After the coup sensation, the problem became more complicated because the people of Myanmar had to deal with humanitarian, political, and economic crises.
The actions of the Min Aung Hlaing regime have clearly disgraced the principles of democracy and human rights. The Burmese people seem to have endlessly fought for the return of democracy by conducting a series of demonstrations and asking for help from the international community. The author sees that all state actors must be responsible for helping the Citizens of Myanmar face the problems they are experiencing, including their closest neighbors, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
In this case, Indonesia as the founder of ASEAN and also one of the largest democracies in the world must be directly involved in maintaining the dignity of an inclusive democratization process and involving all parties in the Myanmar case. The author sees that President Joko Widodo's action in initiating dialogue with Southeast Asian leaders can influence the crisis in Myanmar as the right breakthrough in the midst of the delicate situation. It is known that the results of the dialogue resulted in five points of consensus consisting of a suspension of violence and restraint by all parties; constructive dialogue involving all parties; the distribution of humanitarian aid coordinated by ASEAN; appointment of a special ASEAN envoy; and the visit of the ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar.
The author can only hope that the consensus is respected and carried out with a mandate by the government regime de facto of Myanmar, the Military Junta. Indonesia and ASEAN must dare to take steps to urge Myanmar's steps to return to the path of democracy that should be, as the dignity of the ASEAN Charter, which emphasizes adherence to the principles of democracy, the rule of law, respect and protection of human rights, and good governance.Â
The ASEAN organization aims to ensure the Southeast Asian region as a region of peace, neutrality, and freedom. A goal that will not be achieved if ASEAN members do not apply the elements of solidarity, cooperation, and mutual assistance to solve the problems that are happening in Myanmar. That way, ASEAN must embrace all actors involved in the midst of Myanmar's complicated situation, including the Military Junta. But on the other hand, ASEAN must be able to represent the interests of the people of Myanmar as victims. So that a constructive solution is found that benefits all parties and ends immediately ending the ongoing crisis.
Feizal Reza Pahlevi, Social-Political Enthusiasm and International Relations Student at Diponegoro University
